For a democratic GLA that delivers

Aspiring mayor for London, Ken Livingstone MP, awaits the return of democracy to the capital.

There has been a great deal of media interest in those of us who have declared that we are seeking our Party's nomination for the London mayoral elections in under two years time. But the attention of the labour movement also needs to turn to what should be in our manifesto. The most recent opinion poll of Londoners, conducted by MORI for the BBC between 6th-10th March, makes fascinating reading. For those who think that the GLC has left a legacy which must be avoided at all costs, it is interesting to note that 51 per cent of Londoners, over ten years after the GLC was abolished, still think it did a good job, with just 9 per cent against.

More importantly, when asked "if a mayor and a GLA are set up, which three things do you think will be most important for the new mayor and assembly to address?", the figures found the following had the highest response rates: reducing traffic levels (37%); improving health services (37%); tackling crime (31%); improving public transport (30%); regenerating London's poorest areas (27%); improving the quality of the environment (18%); improving schools (18%).

The Government states in its White Paper that "there will be no increase in total government expenditure", but the major strategic issues identified by the electorate all require the allocation of additional resources. London combines extreme wealth and poverty, with a public transport system visibly in decline and a road network turning into one hideous car park, slowly choking us all. As I argued during the consultation process for the Green Paper, these problems require extra public spending, which in turn means raising taxes.

Under the Tories, companies proved that they do not invest out of free will. Trade unions were smashed and unemployment was used as a downward pressure on wages. Wages and salaries as a share of the economy fell by 3.9 per cent of GDP to an all time low. Simultaneously, company savings as a share of the economy fell by 35 per cent over the same period. Most of this money ended up in dividends to shareholders, which as a share of the economy have quadrupled since 1979. A very large proportion of that wealth is locked up in the company sector in London, which is now paying the lowest rates of corporation tax anywhere in the Western world. London must have access to some of those resources.

If Labour does not argue that London's problems require increased taxation we will find ourselves in conflict with the electorate, and with public sector unions which have fought a rearguard action against cuts-driven policies. MORI found that 42 per cent agreed that without tax raising powers the GLA will be unable to tackle London's problems effectively, with 34 per cent against. It is the task of the Labour candidate for mayor to convince the middle ground between those two blocs that their desire for improved services can only be met with increased public expenditure.

However, before we can stand candidates, we must first have a democratic selection process. The role of the Greater London Labour Party will now be more important than at any time since the GLC was abolished. It is therefore vital that the regional party retains its democratic structures, and expands on these for the GLA. Not only must there be an OMOV ballot to select our candidate for mayor, but the short-list must reflect the number of nominations in the unions and CLPs, with no inexplicable or undemocratic exclusions. We also need to decide who should draw up the short-list. Likewise, the selection of the constituency-based assembly members must be made by OMOV in each of the new constituencies, not by an elite panel, and the top-up party candidates should be ranked by the Party membership. The scandal over the abolition of One Member One Vote for MEPs must not be repeated in this selection.

It would also be intolerable if the selection for the authority did not reflect the requirement to fully represent the black communities in London. At the last census, black people (including the African, Asian and Caribbean communities) comprised 20 per cent of the population and they are projected by the next census to make up over a third of the population -- well over a quarter of the electorate. Black representation must be central to our approach to the GLA.

Labour must win the GLA elections. For that reason, we need candidates who have the confidence of London Party members, and we must place ourselves at the head of the huge social and political forces which have waited for so long for democracy to return to the capital. Only on that basis is it possible to make the GLA deliver for London.

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