The Blairisation of Germany

Germany faces a federal election later this year. David Pope interviewed Pit Wurher, foreign editor of Swiss-based journal Die Wochenzeitung.

Will the election of a Social Democratic (SDP) Government result in much of a change?

Recently we have had a government of national unity in all but name. The SPD's big majority in the Bundesrat -- the Federal upper house -- could have been used to block the Kohl government's policies. They have been reluctant to do this, supporting most government policies. They blocked one reform, to reduce income tax on the rich to about 50%, because most people were opposed to it.

The SPD is likely to adopt a New Labour-type approach in the election. While unlikely to attack the welfare state it is also unlikely to reverse many of the things done by the Christian Democrats (CDU) or to increase taxes on the rich. It won't have the power to make radical changes because of Maastricht, which it supported wholeheartedly. The united Europe project is driven by German capital but some on the left support it to ensure we don't go to war with France again.

How have the unions been affected?

Germany is still a corporate state, with works councils and trade union representatives on company boards. The CDU didn't attack this as Thatcher did in Britain and the unions were able to resist some measures. When the Government tried to reduce the amount of statutory sick pay contributed by employers by 20% there was a lot of resistance, including spontaneous walkouts. The proposal was dropped. The SPD didn't lead the campaign, although it is still the party of the unions. Most union leaders are SPD members but some activists have joined the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS).

Battles have been won where there are active memberships and shop stewards. The media workers, the most left-wing union, won a reduction in the working week to 35 hours and are seeking a further reduction of five hours.

Are there left organisations within the unions?

Not like those in Britain but there are left activists and informal local meetings. In Stuttgart, home of Porsche, Bosch and Mercedes-Benz, up to 200 shop stewards meet monthly, discussing issues like unemployment and the working week. The media workers' general secretary attends occasionally. It's a think-tank rather than an organisation but they're discussing extending their influence. Mergers between unions -- there were 16, now twelve and they may contract to seven -- may prompt more organisation.

How far is racism on the increase in Germany?

It's increasing but is mainly a problem in the east. Many lost their jobs after communism fell -- unemployment in the east is at least 20%. Younger voters won't vote for the left because they associate it with communism. In general, voters in the east are fed up with the arrogance of the west and disappointed with the CDU.

We thought racism was defeated in the 1980s but the CDU raised it in 1990-1 when they were trailing the SPD in the opinion polls, sending leaflets to their party organisation, telling them to raise the question of "German jobs for German workers." Within six weeks it became the major issue in Germany.

The SPD say racism can't be tolerated but it's doubtful they'll make it an issue in the Federal election. I feel they'll make their usual mistake, following the CDU path despite the result of the Saxony-Anheudt elections, where most of the votes for racist parties came from CDU supporters. The SPD took 40% of the vote and the Greens 20%.

Is there a left organisation within the SPD?

Not that I know of. The party is fairly centralised and doesn't have clear left-right distinctions like the Labour Party. There are supposedly two factions, headed by Gerhard Schroeder and Oskar Lafontaine, but they agree on most policies.

There are signs of a left emerging on the issue of crime. The SPD have called for more police and there is a "listening offensive", with more use of bugging and phone tapping. The SPD is following the CDU's lead but some left members say this is going towards a police state. There was dissent when the SPD supported ending the right of asylum and some members left to join the Greens or PDS. The SPD could have blocked this, because ending the right of asylum involved changing the constitution, which requires a two-thirds majority in the Bundestag. They caved in because of media hysteria.

Is there scope for SPD constituency organisations to select their candidates?

They have that right but in practice the decision is taken by the executive committee, with the approval of the regional leadership. On occasions there is a rank and file revolt but this is confined to regions where the left is more active and the local party more independent, such as the area to the south of Frankfurt. Half the MPs are selected by the list system, nominated by the state party.

Die Wochenzeitung is a Zurich-based newspaper with a circulation of 20,000, owned and run by a workers' co-operative. It is not affiliated to any party but covers issues from a left perspective.

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