Nigerian union leaders released
Nigerian union leaders released
Sean Coyne reports on the mass movement gathering momentum following the death of Sani Abacha.
The death of General Sani Abacha was greeted with celebration on the streets of Lagos and other cities throughout Nigeria. But there was also trepidation. Only the coterie of sycophants who profited from his tyrannical rule paid any attention to the official mourning period, and rightly so. Abacha was a bloodstained dictator. Impervious to criticism right up to the end, he exercised almost total power from his luxurious bunker at Aso Rock. He was contemptuous of the needs of the impoverished mass of the Nigerian people, and squandered millions of dollars, bribing his way towards power and ruthlessly silencing opposition both within the military and in society at large.
His successor is Major General Abdulsalam Abubaker, a "professional" soldier who has not held public office, but who was instrumental in maintaining support for the Abacha project. His first announcement on assuming power caused great concern in trade union and human rights circles. There was no mention of the plight of those in detention, and he stated that he wanted to maintain the timetable of Abacha's discredited Transition Programme to civilian rule.
This Programme was designed to put Abacha into office. The regime had not only hand-picked the representatives of the five political parties allowed to exist, it defined their programmes, selected their leaderships and financed their offices. In a ridiculous and entirely cynical gesture, it had also insisted that each of the parties select Abacha as the sole Presidential candidate for the elections due on August 1st this year. In this way, Abacha would not have to face any opposition, and the election would have been replaced by a referendum.
But the opposition to Abacha's rule was growing daily. Workers and students, women's organisations and human rights activists were coming together to take action. Despite threats from Abacha, tens of thousands took to the streets on May Day, and fought running battles with troops. On June 12th, on the fifth anniversary of the election of imprisoned presidential aspirant Mashood Abiola, tens of thousands ignored the warnings of the new military leader and took to the streets again to demand a return to democracy. General Abubaker responded with fierce repression and hundreds of peaceful demonstrators were attacked by the security forces at assembly points and at the end of rallies. But everyone agreed, something was changing.
Over the last six months there has been a steady building of confidence in the mass organisations, and among smaller but important organisations of civil society. The formation of a new mass-based united opposition in the form of the United Action for Democracy (UAD) has brought together the largest democratic coalition for over a decade. It is an organisation pledged to mass action, and the building of an active alliance between workers, women's organisations, civil rights activists, students, small traders and the unemployed.
Its leaders have been arrested and harassed but the organisation is moving from strength to strength. It is committed to a non-sectarian strategy based on campaigns with clear demands, openness and unity in action. This is in sharp contrast to the activities of the so-called political elite, the self-selecting failed politicians who have traded any remaining remnant of principle for the crumbs off the dictator's table.
The UAD realise that the only way to take on the anti-democratic forces of the military regime and their apologists, is by building a broad but principled democratic opposition. They appreciate that the mass organisations of workers have a special role to play in the coalition, and that the potential power of the workers' movement, despite timid leadership in some industries, cannot be ignored.
The mobilisations which have taken place since General Abubaker took over are already yielding some success. On 15th June, nine prominent detainees were released from prison, including former Head of State Rtd General Obasanjo, Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti, the leader of the Campaign for Democracy (CD) and perhaps most importantly, Frank Kokori and Milton Dabibi, leaders of the two oil workers unions who have been detained without trial since 1994 and 1996 respectively.
Both Frank and Milton were key leaders in the oil strike of 1994, and their release is the result of a vigorous domestic and international campaign. As one leading trade union activist noted, "The release of a limited but prominent group of detainees will not satisfy the demands of the democratic opposition, but it does show that when we act together, we get results. The release of our comrades gives us all heart to carry on. Hundreds of activists remain in prison, but they can be reassured that the campaign for their release and for a genuine democratic resolution of the crisis will continue. We will not be bought off by Abubaker. We know he was Abacha's right hand man. Only when the military are back in their barracks and a civilian government is restored will we rest, and even then, we will only rest a little."
Solidarity activity with the democratic opposition should be stepped up at this vital time. Union conferences should table emergency motions on the release of Frank and Milton and demand that the Government implements meaningful sanctions against the Abubaker regime. As one UAD leader said,
"Now is not the time for waiting to see what happens next. We have to keep up the pressure. This regime knows that its days are numbered. The economy is in ruins and on the verge of collapse. Popular dissent is rising daily. To paraphrase Comrade Rosa Luxembourg, we have a choice. We can either await further barbarism or take steps to transform society and make sure that military rule is finished once and for all."
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