The French Left won an astounding victory on 2nd June. The Socialists have shown that an alliance of the left, and not a turn to the "radical centre", can win votes in Europe. A 319 strong majority coalition in the National Assembly, made up of Socialists (PS), Communists (PCF), Left Radicals (MRG), Citizens Movement (MDC), and Green (Verts) is the result. Having nearly swept the board in 1993, the right was reduced this time to 256 seats, and the far right Front National (FN) secured only one deputy.
The French Socialists now stand in vivid contrast with New Labour. Downgrading spin-doctors and opinion polls, the PS listened to social movements. They addressed the issue of social justice and the concerns of those who participated in the 1995-6 mass revolts. The party put forward a record number of women candidates (though very few blacks or Arabs, and even fewer workers). Their programme took a critical stand on the Euro convergence and on privatisation. The creation of 700,000 jobs for young people was proposed, and the union demand for a 35 hour week without loss of pay was adopted. The Socialists were able to sustain an alliance with the Communists, and the anti-Maastricht Movement des Citoyens, led by former Foreign Minister Jean-Pierre Chevenement.
The historian Emmanual Todd explained the result of the first round of the elections simply: "When a President of the Republic is elected on one programme and applies another, keeps in place an unpopular Prime Minister, and dissolves the National Assembly against the spirit of the Constitution, it's normal that the electors aren't happy."
Although Chirac was forced to retreat on plans to break up the welfare state in the face of the social upheaval of 1995-6, he imposed fiscal austerity and proposed a further attempt at labour and welfare "reform". At the same time his close colleagues have been implicated in corruption. It is no coincidence that the National Front came top in Toulon where the official right-wing candidate was up to his neck in dubious financial deals.
Le Pen's party played a big role in destroying Chirac's chances. Unable to win himself, the far-right leader used his position as a "referee" to punish his enemies in Chirac's RPR and its partner, the UDF. In the last election over three quarters of the FN's voters transferred their support to the RPR/UDF in the second round. This time it was under half. The result may have played a part in Chirac's attempt to appeal to Eurosceptic sentiment by putting forward the anti-Maastricht Philippe Seguin as his preferred Prime Minister.
The Wednesday after the election Prime Minister Jospin announced his "pluralist" Cabinet. The Communists are in government for the first time since the early 80s. Dominique Voynet, a left-wing Green (her party includes many 'New Left' activists), is now Minister for the Environment. Martine Aubry is Jospin's "number two", in charge of employment and social affairs. Aubry is on the modernising wing of the PS, though unlike her New Labour counterparts she has had genuine involvement with the workless and marginalised.
More significantly, Hubert Vedrine, a former Mitterrand aid and a key architect in the Maastricht negotiations, heads foreign affairs. This is the area where the President and PM have to work together, notably over Europe. There is no one in the cabinet from the PS's own left wing, the Gauche Socialiste, who are hostile to monetary union.
Lional Jospin faces many difficulties. The reaction of financial markets and the European partners became more important as power neared. When it became probable that he would win Jospin began to tone down his promises. "Conditions" on the single currency became subject to discussion, and largely a matter of the 3% budget deficit limit. The 35 hour week without a reduction in wages was modified to include restraint in salary demands over three years. The proposals for youth unemployment were to be adopted over three years. Opposition to the privatisation of France-Telecom became less categorical.
Jacques Delors expressed the hope that the PS's modernisation of French institutions and approach to European integration would prove that "adaptation to globalisation" was not incompatible with "social progress". The PS wishes to develop a non-monetarist alternative to Maastricht, but room for manoeuvre is narrow. Chirac, even with his party imploding, is not about to give Jospin a free hand. In Europe Gordon Brown has taken Thatcher's tattered mantle and free-marketeers are suspicious of expanded public services, not to mention the 35 hour week.
Many PS leaders may find it more comfortable to retreat to their familiar ministerial offices than to confront business and finance. How will the newly influential left of the Party, figures such as Bernard Thibault of the Gauche Socialiste, the Communists, and the MDC, react to the single currency? How can the PS challenge the power of the financial institutions and multinational companies that dominate Europe? Just after the election Louis Viannet, Secretary of the CGT union, stated that it was important that activists did not wait for change to come "from above" but started as of now to press demands from below.